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A common example of use of such high register vocabulary would be the political discourses on televisions in India and Pakistan or newspapers in Hindi and Urdu. A substantial part of the Sanskritised Hindi would be as incomprehensible to a native Urdu speaker as Persianised and Arabised Urdu to a speaker of Hindi who has had education and training in Hindi.
Below are the two examples, one each from Hindi and Urdu. Urdu: An opening statement by a new talk show host. Captial Talk men khushamdid. Sabiqah vazir-e- azam Nawaz Sharif sahib ki taqriron ka ek jumla abhi tak zer-e-bahas hai5.
Hindi: News headlines of the Day. Do muthbher men char atanki dher. Mare ja- nevalon men jaish ka kukhyat atanki Khalid bhi shamil. Gujarat me liya chunav ayog ne taiyarion ka jayaza. Sabhi dalon ke pratinidhiyon se mulaqat6. In two encounters four terrorists killed. Among dead terrorists is the infamous Khalid.
The Election Commission oversees the preparation of elections meets with the representatives of all the parties. The bolded words in the sentences belong to the high register of Urdu and Hindi respectively that are used in political discourses and are not easily intelligible to a common speaker of the other language.
In the Urdu sentence, along with the Perso-Arabised vocabulary, there are two Izafat con- structions too; vazir-e-azam Prime Minister and zer-e-bahas under furious discussion. To conclude the section on differences between Hindi and Urdu, one can say without any hesi- tation that the differences between modern Hindi and Urdu arise only when the non-indigenous non-South Asian component influenced by the Islamic legacy of India is added to the contempo- rarily existing native language, whatever it may be — script, grammatical components pluralisation or genitive constructions or simply vocabulary.
On the other hand, the Sanskritised vocabulary is also similarly alien to a native Urdu speaker. While discussing the evolution of Urdu, Rehman also states that the language was also known as Hindavi and Dehalvi. The common ancestral variety of both Hindi and Urdu is also known to linguists as Khariboli. The further development of the language into Hindi and Urdu is the product of late 19th century politics. Although the Perso-Arabic script was introduced to an in- digenous language which already had a script, it did not deal with the structural grammar or make any changes to it.
The Perso-Arabic script needed to adjust to the sound system of the language, but it did not attempt to completely redefine the grammar, although some Perso-Arabic grammatical elements managed to get into the grammar of the language. The distinctions that are mentioned above are rare and mainly used in the high register of both languages.
For instance, pluralisation, as mentioned in 2. The spelling convention that are mentioned in 2. The oral representation of the language neutralises this distinction and declines the nouns as they would have been written in Hindi with proper declension. In fact, in the majority of cases, even in Urdu and even in the written form, this type of declension follows the indigenous pattern.
And Izafat 2. Here too the indigenous pattern overwhelmingly domi- nates in usage, both orally and in the written form. A native speaker of Hindi and a native speaker of Urdu would not need a third language to hold a conversation on any mundane topic. The vocabulary related to everyday life is similar to a very high extent and the grammar, as we explained in 2. The biggest part of the differentiating vocabulary in Hindi and Urdu is represented in nouns and adjectives.
The other types of words such as pronouns, postpositions, numbers, verbs, and so forth, are highly similar. It is no surprise that the higher registers of Hindi and Urdu mainly comprise the differentiating nouns and adjectives, whereas the rest of the words in the sentences remain the same. This course discusses various language conflicts and issues from South Asia. The major body of the students in the course are from India and Pakistan, who know Hindi and Urdu as mother tongues. I did not restrict them to any topic, and they could choose any sentences they wanted.
As expected, they chose very common sentences from everyday life. Then, I asked the students who knew Hindi to translate these 6 sentences into Hindi, and I asked the same of the Urdu speaking students. As I expected, the translation to both Hindi and Urdu were exactly the same. Although this was not a scientific experiment, it is representative of the common perception of extreme closeness of the two languages.
These cultural elements are independent of any religious affiliations, for example, folk songs and dances, folktales, some wedding rituals, some common attire, some festivals such as the kite flying festival of Basant Panchami.
The modern pop culture is in fact outright independent of any religious affiliation as so forth any Hindi or Urdu affiliation. The popular culture of Bollywood is equally claimed by both Hindi and Urdu speakers, and is used in Hindi-Urdu as a foreign language classrooms. As there has been a lot of research on incorporating cultural elements in foreign language classes, Hindi and Urdu both can, to a great extent, utilise the same material for teaching the cultural com- ponent of Hindi-Urdu.
The cultural component of honorifics that are represented in pronouns in Hindi-Urdu are pre- cisely the same in both languages. They are used similarly in when people are speaking Hindi and Urdu.
Hindi-Urdu The rise in interest in South Asian studies in academia in western universities corresponds to the rise in the number of South Asian language courses. Most of the universities started teaching Hindi as the first modern South Asian language. More and more universities in fact started teaching Hindi and Urdu both as one foreign language of Hindi-Urdu.
A variety of reasons social, political, academic, emotional, financial etc. One of the main reasons the South Asian academic world likes to cite for offering Hindi-Urdu as one foreign language is the idea that Hindi and Urdu are not two different languages, but just one single language with two different varieties.
The wider context behind such a statement consists in the common ties between Hindus and Muslims — mainly cultural, but also historical. This ideological stance in academia is mainly driven more by the sense of a culturally common South Asian com- munity, in contrast to Hindu and Muslim communities, back home in India and Pakistan, as well as in diaspora.
There are also very strong linguistic grounds to back their statement of Hindi and Urdu being one single language with two different varieties. Until the partition of India and a few decades later, Hindi and Urdu literatures were not clearly distinguished from one another. Many writers were claimed by both languages and their respective language speakers. Their writings were published in both Devanagari and Nastaliq, with a little bit of editing to make them comprehensible for the respective readers.
In fact, most native readers would not know if a particular author was a Hindi or Urdu one. Scholars who study other aspects of South Asia would certainly find knowledge of both lan- guages handy for their field work. For example, most of the texts of the religious Bhakti movements can be found in Devanagari script. At the same time, most of the archived documents are in Urdu because of the fact that the lower level bureaucracy of Colonial India was conducted in Urdu.
For anyone to study modern South Asia, especially the colonial times, the knowledge of both Hindi and Urdu is indispensable. There are other practical reasons for this merger. And it can be used to make a sales pitch to a bigger clientele.
The merger can make students interested in both Hindi and Urdu together. On the other side of the merger, one cannot be careful enough not to alienate potential students who are interested in only one of the two languages. It is not inconceivable that a student may have a personal or familial inclination toward a particular language, Hindi or Urdu, and may reject the other. So far, in my personal experience of teaching Hindi-Urdu in the University of Toronto Mississauga, I have found that students are more attracted, than reluctant, to take the course.
There has not been much research done specifically on the patterns of enrollment in Hindi, Urdu or Hindi-Urdu. The data from the two years covered in the survey and give an interesting picture of the choices students made in taking one of the three options: Hindi, Urdu and Hindi-Urdu see Table 2.
Table 2. Even Hindi-Urdu seems to be more attractive to students than Urdu alone. From the limited data, one can conclude that the merger of Hindi and Urdu to Hindi-Urdu is mainly based on ideological grounds, as it is clearly seen that the merger does not bring increased enrollments; rather, the enrollment is substantially less in Hindi-Urdu.
The merger is also done with the aim of equipping future scholars with maximum linguistic skills to work on medieval and pre- independence India. Although the merger does numerically expand the size of the body of native speakers, it is not reflected in the classes of Hindi-Urdu as a foreign language. There has not been a standard approach in this regard. As many top universities teach Hindi-Urdu in a single course, here I will survey their teaching ap- proaches.
Since there has not been any research done on teaching approaches used by various uni- versities, I base the following part of the article on my personal communications with the professors of some North American Universities where Hindi-Urdu is taught. The students are taught Devanagari Hindi script first and later, once they are fairly comfortable with Devanagari, Nastaliq Urdu script is gradually introduced.
The time of introduction of Nastaliq also varies in universities. The most common approach is to introduce Nastaliq in the middle of the first semester, which is usually the 6th or 7th week. Some universities start Urdu in the second semester.
In some universities, Urdu is introduced as a small component of the course and is not given equal amount of time and grade points. The rationale behind this approach lies in the level of difficulty of the scripts. Devanagari is a comparatively easier script and more precise for the language Hindi-Urdu.
It also is more intuitive R. Delacy, personal email communication, July 30, compared with the Urdu script. The lan- guage and its sound system, that is, the wide range of vowel and consonantal sounds, can be more precisely represented in Devanagari script.
As we have seen in 2. A word written in Urdu without short vowels can be uttered in two, or sometimes three or four, ways. Some letters behave like both consonants and vowels depending on the context. Only the context allows a reader to know exactly what that word is.
With these complexities of the Nastaliq script, when a foreign language learner comes across a new word, he will not know its exact pronunciation. On the other hand, with Devanagari the pro- nunciation is more or less the same as how the word is written in accordance with the pronunciation rules. Since Hindi and Urdu at the basic foreign language level do not differ much from each other and share a very high percentage of common vocabulary, it is helpful for the student to learn Teaching Hindi and Urdu as Hindi-Urdu the basic vocabulary with Devanagari.
Later, when Nastaliq is introduced, the student already knows the word and this helps him to correctly pronounce the word. In other words, for learning Urdu as a foreign language, a small corpus of basic words already known to the student can be helpful and increase the pace of learning.
Delacy, personal email communication, July 30, rely on this. In Harvard University, the course starts with the introduction of Nastaliq for the first three weeks and at the beginning of the second semes- ter, Devanagari is introduced. Introducing Nastaliq first has some psychological advantage. Learning the so-called tougher script gives students a better grounding in it, and later, when Devanagari, the so-called easier script, is introduced, the students would have already achieved a big milestone.
When Devagnagari is in- troduced first, some kind of reluctance is often observed among the students in learning Nastaliq.
The choice of one script or another to start with also depends on the training of the instructor. There are very rare native speakers-teachers of Hindi-Urdu who have learnt both scripts from the beginning. The non-native speakers-teachers also bring their training to the classroom. If they were trained to teach one script or another first, they would prefer to teach the same way.
In higher level classes, Hindi and Urdu are usually separated or, if they are taken together, the students are given the choice to focus on only one script. In the University of Toronto Mississauga, Hindi-Urdu was taught both at the introductory and intermediate levels and they had planned to teach both languages at the advanced level in two separate courses. In Princeton University, after the introductory course of Hindi-Urdu, where both languages are taught, the languages are separated at the intermediate level.
Since there are very few students at advanced levels, the languages are again brought together in one classroom, but the students are given the choice to choose one script or the other. If a student chooses to use both scripts, they are welcome to do so. The material is presented in both scripts Fauzia Farooqi, personal email communication, August 22, To my knowledge, there is only one university in North Amer- ica that uses this approach.
Khan, personal email communication, No- vember 13, The students are given the opportunity to study either Hindi script and vocabu- lary, or Urdu script and vocabulary.
Both scripts are taught simultaneously in the same class. This approach, though manageable, requires a heap of extra work from the instructor. However, there are some serious chal- lenges in combining Hindi and Urdu into one language and organising them in one classroom. Both books follow the same organization in terms of the number of units, lessons, and exercises, except in the sound and script section.
Both books follow exactly the same pedagogical tools and same patterns of contents using the respective languages and scripts. The idea to meet the needs of the clientele of both Hindi and Urdu as a foreign language through one set of pedagogical tools is not new. The main idea of the book that comes with audio-lingual tools is to teach a spoken version of Hindi and Urdu, a point of convergence where the distinction is superficial.
In line with the discussion on historical, political and lin- guistic dimensions of the Hindi-Urdu controversy, the book has authentic texts written in Hindi and Urdu by various authors suitable only for superior or distinguished proficiency levels.
The combination of these two books is used in Harvard University to teach the combined course of Hindi-Urdu R. Delacy, personal communication, July 30, Another scenario of convergence is sometimes seen in Hindi as a foreign language books, which towards the end also introduce Nastaliq script briefly and superficially.
Such books usually give some examples, but rarely go beyond that. The idea of briefly introducing Nastaliq is to give learners the information that the language is also widely written in Perso-Arabic script.
There are also some online resources that tackle Hindi and Urdu as a foreign language either together or using the same or similar material. Unfortunately, both websites remain incomplete and they have many broken links. The complete and fully functional websites would have been great resources to learn Hindi and Urdu separately. They would have also helped those who would want to learn Hindi-Urdu together. Although the aim of the website is to introduce Urdu literature comprehensively, it makes the literature accessible even to those who do not know the Perso-Arabic script.
The website is equally useful for those who want to learn Hindi through Urdu or Urdu through Hindi, or who have learnt Hindi and Urdu as a foreign language and have acquired advanced proficiency and want to expand their knowledge base.
Every page of the website can be transliterated into Hindi Devanagari , Urdu Nastaliq or Roman script just by a mere click. Teaching Hindi and Urdu as Hindi-Urdu All the teachers of Hindi-Urdu have to rely mainly on the material developed personally by them. In fact, the teachers usually use a book for teaching Hindi Devanagari or Urdu Nastaliq first and then, after introducing the second script in due time, start converting and adjusting the book and material into the second script.
Combining Hindi and Urdu further shrinks the market. It will be very hard to expect a publisher to take an interest in publishing Hindi-Urdu text- books. Unless some university decides to publish a combined Hindi-Urdu textbook, the teachers will have to rely on their own materials or combine different materials to teach Hindi-Urdu. A substantial part of time in and beyond the classroom is required to master two very uncommon scripts. This hinders the pace of learning the foreign language.
It significantly slows down the coverage of ma- terial and, with it, the acquisition of an overall knowledge base in the language. Depending on the aim of the university, the combining of Hindi-Urdu can be seen both positively or negatively.
If the Hindi-Urdu language program plans to create future scholars on modern South Asia, the combining of Hindi-Urdu is indispensable. On the other hand, if the university subscribes to the communicative language teaching approach, where the students are more interested in learn- ing the language for communicative purposes so that they can travel in India and Pakistan, interact with local people, or watch Bollywood films, the combining of the two languages would not be a very good idea.
The popularity of Hindi in the academic world — among other reasons — is also due to the economic rise of India with globalisation. The interest in modern Indian languages, mainly Hindi, lies in the idea of a modern vibrant India that could be penetrated through the main Indian language, Hindi. Unlike in Europe, language courses in North American universities are not restricted to students of the respective area studies.
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