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Lagarde ; del Campo Echevarra , OMeara a, Bidez , OMeara OMeara a, Maltese a and F. Lauritzen a. Mariev titude as a reflection of an ultimately unresolvable tension between the heritage of antiquity and Christian faith that was predominant in Byzantium. The relationship between Hellenic and, more specifically, Neoplatonic philoso- phy, on the one hand, and Christian Orthodoxy, on the other, became a major issue for Psellos disciple Jo h n I t a l o s, who faced trial for heresy.
The entries in the Syn- odikon of Orthodoxy that deal with his case create an image of John Italos accused of believing in the truth of Greek philosophy and of giving preference to Greek philos- ophy over Christian Orthodoxy, and even of denigrating Christian doctrines openly and deliberately.
Furthermore, the accusations brought against him appear to be as follows: first, illicitly applying philosophical principles to the understanding of Chris- tian dogma and, second, admitting as true the impious opinions of the Platonists con- cerning the soul and the universe, in particular the idea of the eternity of the universe and the view that matter, conceived as self-constituted and coeternal with the Demi- urge, receives form from the ideas.
In his corpus of writings we find indeed count- less references not only to Aristotle, but also to Neoplatonic doctrines. The references to the Neoplatonists are fully integrated into John Italos own argumentation. These references, however, do not necessarily imply that John Italos was an adherent of Neo- platonic philosophy, pursuing a subversive agenda of bringing pagan wisdom back to life to the detriment of Christian orthodoxy.
Quite the contrary, John Italos frequently uses references to Platonic and Neoplatonic doctrines within demonstrations of Chris- tian theses and on many occasions acknowledges the incompatibility of Christian 48 It is this unresolvable tension in Psellos work that OMeara a, has in mind, when he asks the following question: Dans le trait n.
Psellus se distancie par rapport de tels penseurs, se situant clairement du cot de la doctrine chrtienne. Mais ne pourrait-on pas le dcrire comme tant lui-mme plutt un de ces philosophes intermdiaires?. Gouillard , , Gouillard , points out that loeuvre dItalos ne justifie pas ces imputations.
Stephanou a, In this passage Italos does not mention the name of Proklos, but merely refers to the philosophoi without further specification; nevertheless, he takes up the Proklean idea that matter derives from the first unlimitedness.
He states: one could be at loss about how it is possible that one and the same mat- ter underlies a great number of forms not one time after the other but at one and the same time. In response to this one would say that even by the philosophers themselves matter is called something great and small and, in addition, unlimited, because it is called by them begotten of the Father and Neoplatonic Philosophy in Byzantium 11 doctrine and Platonic wisdom.
In some treatises he openly takes a position against the Ancients. For example, in treatise 92 of his Quaestiones Quodlibetales, Italos char- acterizes as nonsensical the Platonic opinion that matter is something simple and incorporeal, ungenerated and incorruptible and coeternal with the Demiurge. John Italos even takes up the arguments whereby Proklos had confuted Plotinian identifi- cation of matter with evil and uses them to demonstrate that matter could not have been created by God directly.
At the same time, he uses references to principles of Proklean metaphysics in order to rule out that matter, which was conceived also by Proklos as something simple, could have been mediately created by God. Finally, he uses a reference to the Neoplatonic idea that matter is the uttermost being in order to demonstrate the weakness of the last option, namely that matter is generated by itself for if this had been the case, matter would have been the first being and not the last, as he argued.
In this way Italos, taking as his point of departure the principles of Neoplatonic philosophy and using the arguments of some Neoplatonic philosophers not produced by some other causes; for the unlimited thence derives from the first unlimitedness. Because it is unlimited and belongs to the first unlimitedness, it is obvious that it is not impossi- ble for it to underlie unlimited [forms]; if this is so, then it is not impossible for it to underlie finite [forms] as well; and the unlimited is dissolved and we will face no difficulty Ital.
When Italos speaks of matter as begotten of the Father, he clearly refers to Psellos teachings on the Chaldean Oracles and to the monistic cosmology of the Oracles themselves cf.
Michael Psell. OMeara, p. Lanzi ed. Oracoli Caldaici, Milano , p. Majercik ed. Trans- lation and Commentary, Leiden , fr. In treatise 71, Italos describes matter as something changeable and flowing and the primary evil, as some think, and poverty and truly privation; here Italos combines the Plotinian doctrine of matter as primary evil and truly privation cf.
II 4,14; Enn. Thus Italos integrated the reference to Plotinos doctrines into his own argumentation, which aims at demonstrat- ing Christian theses i. It is worth noting that according to Plotinos matter is primary evil and truly privation, but it does not change and cannot be corrupted; for Plotinos matter is a tendency towards substantial existence; it is static, without being stable  a phantom which does not remain and cannot get away either Enn.
III 6, 7. III 6,10 and II 5,5 and it is incorruptible cf. III 6, 8. Gouillard a, , note The views of Gouillard have been recently taken up by Michele Trizio cf.
Trizio a, He considers various definitions of matter provided by the ancient philosophers and proceeds to examine the implications of each one of them in order to demonstrate that they are all untenable and that matter the way the Greeks speak of it does not exist, being merely a groundless phantasy. In treatise 93, John Italos takes as his point of departure the definitions of nature provided by Aristotle namely, nature as the immanent principle of movement and rest and by the Platonic philoso- phers namely, the idea of nature as the last demiurge, as uttermost life and as an instrument of God and shows how these definitions lead to absurd consequences.
In the end, he proposes a definition of nature that was given by the Fathers of the Church and asserts its validity. It is, of course, far from certain whether this opusculum of John Italos is indeed representative of his philosophical views and not merely a school ex- ercise. And yet this question applies to the entire corpus of John Italos writings, given the numerous ambiguities it presents.
This ambiguous attitude towards the Neoplatonic heritage was further exacer- bated in the works of John Italos disciple E u s t r a t i o s o f N i k a i a, who also faced an accusation of heresy. In his theological writings, in particular those that treat Christological questions, he makes use of Neoplatonic doctrines.
In his commentary on the Nicomachean Ethics, he also makes frequent references to Proklos and even in a certain sense identifies with Proklos thought, presenting as his own points of view some Proklean doctrines.
The doctrines of the Neoplatonic philosophers not only Proklos, but also Plotinos and probably Damaskios clearly influenced the commentary on the Nicomachean Ethics written by M i c h a e l o f E p h e s o s. Echoes of Neoplatonic doctrines are also discernible in the text of the Epitome written by T h e o d o r o s o f S my r n a, another bearer of the title consul of the philosophers.
The widespread interest in Neoplatonic, and specifically Proklean, philosophy during this period also encompasses the resentment towards these doctrines that pervades 56 Trizio a, Ioannou , Steel a, Trizio a, Most Proclean doctrines discussed in Eustratios commentary on book I of the Nicomachean Ethics and presented by him as Platonic are reiterated as Eustratios own views in his commentary on book VI of the same work.
Trizio , Podskalsky b, Cacouros a, rightly pointed out that these texts are reflective of a more widespread interest in Proklean philosophy, which is in turn part of a larger framework of a dispute about the relationship between theology and philosophy. This work was motivated by Nicholas of Methones preoccupation with the fascination that Neoplatonic philosophy exercised over his contemporaries and by his desire to lead them back to the simplicity of the true faith.
By examining the propositions of the Elementatio theologica one by one, Nicholas aims to identify in every one of them those teachings that contravene Chris- tian doctrines and thus to expose the deception that in his view was lurking behind the fascinating complexity and pernicious refinement of Proklean thought.
In this way, his treatise becomes a harsh critique of Proklos. Unlike I s a a k S e b a s t o k r a t o r 11th century , whose treatise On providence was a compilation of Proklean texts into which he interpolated material from the Christian theologians Ps.
Nicholas also postulated a relationship between the philosophy of Proklos and some Christian heresies. During the 13th and 14th centuries, after the watershed in Byzantine history created by the trauma, as Byzantines viewed it, of the capture of Constantinople by the Latins, Neoplatonic philosophy continued to exercise significant influence. N i k e p h o r o s B l e m my d e s was the author of an Epitome Physica that shows the influence of Simplikios. Blemmydes copied entire passages from Sim- plikios Commentary on the Physics, slightly modifying them and making some at- tempts to free them from pagan implications.
In the end, he successfully adopted a number of Neoplatonic theses for instance, the idea of nature as an instrumental cause. G e o r g e A k r o p o l i t e s, who was a disciple of Nikephoros Blemmydes, ad- mitted that he had sufficiently understood some passages of Gregory of Nazianzos 64 Cf. Trizio a, and the contribution of Joshua Robinson in the present volume. Niarchos ; Niarchos ; Terezis ; Terezis ; Tempelis Steel On the identification of this Isaak with the brother of Alexios I cf.
Steel , On the identity of Isaak cf. Steel and Opsomer , Ac- cording to Nicholas, Proklos had departed from the teachings of Dionysios and corrupted them.
As shown by Alexidze a, , Nicholas frequently contrasts Proklos with Dionysios in a forced and groundless way, i. Golitsis On Blemmydes life and works cf. Stavrou Conticello Golitsis , Mariev only after having studied Plato, Proklos, Iamblichos and Plotinos.
It was G e o r g e P a c hy m e r e s , however, who demonstrated profound interest in Prok- los, whom he studied very intensively during the years He made a copy of Proklos Commentary on the Parmenides that was actually an edition of Proclus commentary, comprising many corrections, philological conjectures and philosoph- ical interventions.
An important place in Byzantine reception of the Neoplatonic heritage belongs undoubtedly to Nikephoros Chumnos , who wrote, inter alia, a polemic essay against Plotinos On the soul, against Plotinos. In this trea- tise he criticizes in particular two Platonic, and more specifically Plotinian, ideas, namely the pre-existence of souls and metempsychosis. Chumnos took up a num- ber of theses that had been formulated by Gregory of Nyssa and demonstrated that, contrary to Plotinos, the soul is not pre-existent with respect to the body, does not descend into the body and does not transmigrate from one body into another.
Against the idea of the pre-existence of the soul and its descent into the body, Chumnos ar- gues in favour of the Christian idea of the simultaneous creation of the soul and the body. Against the idea of metempsychosis, Chumnos maintains that the soul does not transmigrate from one body into another, but is connected to the body that came into being with it and desires to return to that body after the body dies and the soul is left by itself. As Gregory of Nyssa had previously asserted, Chumnos also maintained that an indissoluble bond ties the soul to its body and that this bond cannot be broken 74 Cf.
Cacouros a, Cacouros suggests that interest in Proklos among the Byzantines during the period after the reconquest of Constantinople from the Latins in , as manifest in the writings of Pachymeres, est d au fait que, dj dans lempire de Nice, lHypotypsis de Proclus avait t introduite dans le cursus des tudes astronomiques relevant du quadrivium.
Ce bref texte a d servir de passeport pour luvre philosophique de Proclus sous les Palologues Cacouros a, It is worth noting that George Pachymeres produced a paraphrase of the Ps. Aubineau ; Rigo , Chumnos denies that the soul according to the intellect has a perfect knowledge before it descends into the body, and he main- tains that the soul is generated together with the body and is provided with perfect knowledge from the very beginning of its constitution.
The soul, which is joined with the organic body from the be- ginning, is perfect in itself and possesses perfect knowledge, but requires equally perfect organs in order to unfold its own faculties in conjunction with the body and its activities in the sciences. Bydn , his own view posits innate complete knowledge implanted by the Creator, which, although not forgotten, is in the cases of some branches of knowledge inter alia natural philosophy, no doubt obscured to the intellect and only clarified by the help of the organs of the soul the four lower soul faculties.
Nikephoros Chumnos was involved in a harsh dispute with T h e o d o r o s M e t o c h i t e s, who had been his friend but later became his rival and even antagonist. Their dispute revolved around ques- tions of literary style, astronomy and, in particular, the superiority of astronomy over physics.
As demonstrated by evenko, and more recently by Bydn, Theodoros Metochites made use of the De communi mathematica scientia of Iamblichos both in his Logoi 13 and 14 directed against Nikephoros Chumnos and in his Stoicheiosis as- tronomike. Polemis has recently argued in his edition of Metochites Carmen 10 that in this text Metochites also used some additional Neoplatonic material and in particular Proklos.
What is important, however, is that Theodoros Metochites not only made use of the texts written by Iamblichos and Proklos, but also seems to adhere in his conception of the mathematical entities to their projectionist point of view. De an.
On Chumnos debt to Gregory of Nyssa cf. Amato and Ramelli , la polemica stessa sviluppata da Cumno contro Plotino e la dottrina della preesistenza delle anime e della loro trasmigrazione di corpo in corpo era gi ben presente ed es- plicita nel De anima et resurrectione del Nisseno, opera che Niceforo mi sembra conoscere bene e alla quale pare alludere.
Polemis , However, Iamblichus is not the only source of Metochites. In all probabil- ity, Metochites also made use of Proclus, for he quotes a passage from an unspecified work of Aristotle dealing with the level of accuracy encountered in various sciences, which is also quoted by Iamblichus anonymously.
The same passage is to be found in Procluss commentary on the Elements of Euclid, explicitly attributed to Aristotle. The fact that Metochites drew this passage from Proclus is demon- strated by the fact that the introductory phrase of the quotation, which is common in both Proclus and Metochites, is absent from the treatise of Iamblichus.
Polemis repeats these arguments in his re- cent edition of the Carmina cf.
Theodori Metochitae Carmina, edidit I. Bydn , stressed Metochites adherence to the abstractionist point of view: In spite of Metochites emphasis on the separability of mathematical objects, the abstractionist point of view is in fact consistently upheld throughout Stoicheiosis Polemis , , noted, contra Bydn, that Bydns is surely refuted by some passages in Poem 10, where it is affirmed that math- ematical objects come before matter, though they sometimes give the impression of coming after it.
Bydn , has recently modified his position, In his Poem 10 On Mathematics , he describes mathematical objects as being only apparently the products of abstraction from sensibles, and actu- ally unconsciously preexisting in reason or mind , in a way that suggests that he aligned himself with the projectionism of Iamblichus and Proclus.
On the difference between the projectionist and the abstractionist point of view cf. Bydn , ff. After the death of Theodoros Metochites, Nikephoros Gregoras made several attempts to re- turn to play an active role in the intellectual life of the Byzantine capital. It was with this objective that he composed his famous dialogue Phlorentios or about Wisdom.
In this dialogue Nikephoros Gregoras criticized a number of Aristotelian points of view, which a certain Xenophanes, an avatar of Barlaam of Calabria in the fictional setting of the dialogue, supposedly defended. The fictional debate between Xenophanes, that is Barlaam of Calabria, and Nikagoras, the literary persona of Nikephoros Gregoras himself, concerns not only questions of natural philosophy, but also of logic. With re- gard to Aristotelian logic, Gregoras demonstrated that neither the dialectical nor the scientific syllogisms constitute science.
In his opinion, the syllogistic techne is not a science at all, but merely a pedagogical instrument for the use of those who are by nature incapable of beginning from what is first.
Importantly, in formulating his crit- icism Gregoras used some theoretical elements taken from Plotinos and even made verbatim quotations from the Plotinian treatise On Dialectics. Gregoras interest in ancient Platonism is also evident in his Explicatio in librum Synesii De insomniis. As Bydn has pointed out, the De insomniis is consistently treated as the work of a pa- gan Platonist, while Gregoras is careful to point out [ In a passage 85 On his life and the problems of dating cf.
Beyer Ierodiakonou b, , during the first half of the fourteenth century, Nikephoros Gregoras argued that logical studies should be altogether dismissed and logical theory should be regarded as completely useless.
His contemporaries, however, Barlaam of Calabria and George Palamas, claimed that logic is indeed useful in defending Christian belief, but they disagreed between them as to its precise use. Mariev On the subject of Plotinian influence on Gregoras cf. Guilland , ; Iero- diakonou d, Gregoras cites a number of Plotinian passages in his letters, cf. Nicephori Gregorae epistulae, edidit Petrus Aloisius M.
Leone; accedunt epistulae ad Gregoram missae Matino, , Vol. II, Schopen, Bonn: , ,,4; ,; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; ,19 ,9. Bydn a, Bydn observes that Gregoras inserts examples and parallels from the Bible for many of the views and practices referred by Synesius in order to placate suspicious Christian minds p. In some places, Gregoras tends to play down some of the apparent differences be- tween these views and practices and those adhered to by Gregoras contemporaries p.
Neoplatonic Philosophy in Byzantium 17 of his Historia Rhomaike, Gregoras attacks Gregory Palamas, his intellectual adver- sary against whom he fought during the entire second half of his life, and in partic- ular Palamas distinctio realis between Gods essence and energies. In his criti- cism of Palamas, Gregoras highlighted a subtle and yet undeniable theoretical proxim- ity between Palamas and Proklos, suggesting that Palamas had merely appropriated Proklean teachings according to which the unparticipated precedes the participated , and the participated precedes the participant , that is to say the doctrine that the henads, which are above being but are capable of being participated, function as mediating entities between the participant entities and the unparticipated One.
Gregoras observation should obviously be read with ex- treme caution. However, it is important to understand that not only do some of Pala- mas theses point towards what can be characterized as unconscious Neoplaton- ism, but, as Demetracopoulos maintains, Palamas also quite consciously adopted some typically Neoplatonic, and more specifically Proklean, theoretical elements. It is probable that he did so because he thought that Proklos was a quasi-Christian author, whose authority derives from the indisputable authority of Ps.
The influence of Ps. The details are much disputed, es- pecially with respect to Meyendorffs thesis that Palamas corrected Ps. Schopen, Bonn , Demetracopoulos b, He likewise attacked Palamas distinctio realis between Gods essence and energies as being just a Christian adjustment of Proclus meta- physical doctrine of henads.
Demetracopoulos c, As Gregory Acindynos and Nicephoros Gregoras no- ticed in Palamas own time, Palamas explicit distinction between lower deity and Gods transcen- dental essence as well as his plural use of is redolent of Proclus metaphysical tenet that each level of the hierarchical structure of beings derives its ontological grade from its essence, whereas it produces the lower level by granting, in terms of its superior, existence, substance, qualities, and en- ergy to its inferior.
With regard to Gregoras criticism, Demetracopoulos c, remarks that the passages they invoked do not correspond with concrete passages in any of Palamas writings. Still, the Palamite terms lower deity or deities and Gods transcendental essence do appear in Proclus writings, and are used by Palamas in a non-Dionysian, if not anti-Dionysian, way.
Meyendorff Ritter , accepts Meyendorffs thesis as incontestable. This hypothe- sis was characterized as a mere illusion by Golitzin , Louth , stresses that it is not clear, however, that this [the correction] is necessary, for Dionysiuss understanding of hierarchy does not interpose the hierarchies between God and humankind, with ascent to God entailing ascent through the hierarchies.
The corpus of Ps. The last century in the history of Byzantine philosophy was dominated by the fig- ure of G e o r g i o s G e m i s t o s P l e t h o n. Much has been written about his fascinat- ing biography, and about the fate of his main philosophical work, the Laws, which was burned by his intellectual adversary Georgios Gennadios Scholarios, and this story need not be rehearsed here in detail.
Plethon is rightly considered the fountain- head for the Neoplatonic revival of the later Quattrocento. He was convinced that the salvation of the Byzantines depended on the success of a political and spiritual renewal and argued in favour of a return to the roots of Hellenic greatness.
Accord- ingly, he became an active promoter of a religious system that closely resembled, at least in some aspects, Hellenic Platonism.
The pantheon that he developed in the Laws shows clear analogies with Proklean theology. And yet, his attitude towards Neopla- tonism and especially the Neoplatonic doctrines of Proklos is not merely receptive. On the one hand, Plethon did adopt and reformulate within his own theoretical frame- work a number of important elements of Proklos metaphysics. On the other hand, the 96 Cf. Kneevi , in particular the discussion of Meyendorffs thesis on pp.
Rigo , ff. Barlaam did the same with Platos texts e. On the sources of Barlaam, cf. Quite predictably Siniossoglou tries to style Barlaam also as a crypto-pagan. Total patch solo patch Gig Harbor Patch.
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