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Tarapur Assamese Primary School (R.N.1) · No. Tarapur Assamese PrimarySchool (R.N.2) · No. Tarapur Assamese Primary School (R.N. Welcome to the official website of Chief Electoral Officer, Assam. the communication between the electors of Assam and the Department of Election of Assam. Office of the State Coordinator of National Registration (NRC), Assam. Log In. Copyright © Office of the State Coordinator of National Registration (NRC), Assam.
He has written on issues of human rights, agrarian change, migration and the media in South Asia. Autonomy and social justice are often in a tense relationship in Assam. While the demands for autonomy reflect the desire for territorial control over land, demands for social justice reflect an insistence on citizenship and equality under constitutional law. My first personal introduction to the flurry of activities that would be associated with the National Register of Citizens NRC in Assam was in June My partner and I were in Australia for a conference, when my father left several text messages for us to call him. Thus it began, a scramble for documents that would prove that I was indeed a citizen of India, who was from Assam and had a formidable array of evidence as proof. That evening, I caught up with an old schoolmate in a Sydney suburb.
My first personal introduction to the flurry of activities that would be associated with the National Register of Citizens NRC in Assam was in June My partner and I were in Australia for a conference, when my father left several text messages for us to call him. Thus it began, a scramble for documents that would prove that I was indeed a citizen of India, who was from Assam and had a formidable array of evidence as proof.
That evening, I caught up with an old schoolmate in a Sydney suburb. He, his wife and two primary-school going daughters, were Australian citizens. Over dinner, he told me that his father-in-law in Assam was very excited about the NRC and had been calling him to ensure that his documents were in place.
My friend was born and raised in Shillong Meghalaya and had spent much of his adult life working outside India, so he was understandably curious about how this excitable rush for documents would play out. On that chilly winter night in Sydney, he asked me if—like his father-in-law—I thought that the NRC would bring some closure to several decades of tumultuous politics in Assam. My response was non-committal and oblique. Fortified by our class that had slowly become better travelled than our parents and our Assamese surnames, we could afford to not find an answer to the question on that evening.
However, many others—especially women, indigenous groups, Muslims and those with no easy access to documents and papers—would find it difficult to be evasive about their futures and avoid critically engaging with the collective future of political mobilisation in Assam.
A Place at Home Since the announcement of the NRC draft on 30 July , one has had to confront the fact that more than four million people had their names excluded from the list, leading many to commit suicide. This has divided civil society and public opinion vertically.
Many student unions and political parties, as well as the administration, attempted to show that there would be no violence in dealing with the aftermath.
Other members of civil society and political opinion have pointed out that the exercise itself was faulty and the rhetoric that pushed it was divisive in nature.
Organisations that welcomed the NRC came out in opposition to the bill, while many who were opposed to the NRC, especially in the Barak Valley, supported the enactment of the bill. Civil society remains polarised along language and regional lines even after the bill was allowed to lapse in the upper house of Parliament on 13 February In Assam, the NRC was seen to be the legal and political way to address the two issues that have influenced political mobilisation in Assam since the midth century: autonomy and social justice.
The Citizenship Bill, on the other hand was seen as a reiteration of a peculiar colonial relationship between Assam and the rest of India, periodically emphasised by the disregard for political opinions of Assamese and indigenous people.
Both issues have a very tense relationship with one another. They have led to decades of violent conflicts, where the state has used a combination of military subjugation and co-optation of voices of dissent to deal with the situation. Hence, political commentators and representatives of civic and political organisations have had a difficult time explaining to the rest of the country and the world as to why they have either supported or opposed a Supreme Court monitored process to survey the legal status of every inhabitant of the state, even as they have differing positions on the Citizenship Amendment Bill.
When did they, or their ancestors make Assam their home? Could they prove their presence in the state going back to the partition of British India?
Or did they come to Assam after the formation of Bangladesh in ? Answers to these questions are entangled in colonial history, ethnic identity, and control over resources in Assam. These three factors have been instrumental in defining the political discourse, anxieties, and activism associated with the NRC process.
As a British colony, Assam saw an unprecedented inflow of labour and capital that transformed the economic and political landscape of the region in the late 19th and early 20th century. This transformation hinged upon extraction of resources and resulted in the politicisation of ethnic identities.
Radical political voices in Assam had frequently drawn from this mix to demand two seemingly contradictory guarantees—territorial autonomy even secession and differential citizenship rights—from the Government of India. I structure this essay into four interconnected sections: a underlining the importance of colonial history, ethnic autonomy, resources and the NRC debates; b a brief look at what exactly went into the NRC process c mapping the spectrum of reactions and the history of activism related to the NRC; and d looking at the future of political discussions about citizenship within India.
Ethnicity, Resources and Autonomy The colonial period is key to understanding many of the enduring conflicts in Assam today. Adversarial positions on the NRC fall into a process that has been researched and documented well over the past few decades. The presence of the colonial state in Assam was limited to parts of the populated valleys, where the government allowed people from East Bengal to settle on agricultural land for annual and decennial leases.
The landscape, economy and society changed dramatically, as cash crops like jute and tea, as well as minerals like oil and coal were grown or extracted in abundance from the area in the 19th and earlyth centuries.
This transformation also entailed a radical change in the demography of the region, as peasants and indentured workers from different parts of the British-controlled Indian subcontinent were brought to Assam. Tea plantations, in the central and eastern part of the Brahmaputra valley and in parts of the Barak valley were given longer-term leases. This policy continued after Independence and was reaffirmed by the Bordoloi Commission in , when they proposed that the hills be governed under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution.
Under the provisions of the Sixth Schedule, use and transfer of land between individuals was left to the discretion of the autonomous councils that allowed indigenous communities defined as Scheduled Tribes under the Constitution to govern certain areas where they were a numerical majority.
The councils functioned as territorial enclaves within the larger state and in matters related to transfer of land and property reflected the light-touch administration during the colonial period. While some territories and communities accepted this autonomy arrangement, others like the Naga and Mizo were less convinced.
In both areas—Naga Hills comprising the current state of Nagaland and parts of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Manipur and Lushai Hills—demands for independent, self-governing territories brought together small, kin-based communities who were able to organise successful armed resistance to the post-colonial state and to settler communities. The first territorial councils were elected in the autonomous districts around the undivided province of Assam in the s and continue into contemporary times.
Since then, the state of Assam has been reorganised and currently there are three territorial autonomous district councils Bodoland, Dima Hasao and Karbi Anglong and six non-territorial councils Deori, Mishing, Rabha Hasong, Sonowal Kachari, Thengal Kachari and Tiwa in the state.
This process was informed by tropes of identity, embodied in differences between groups, bureaucratic distancing of the state from people and the eventual centralisation of power.
The postcolonial state has also held itself up as a neutral entity, claiming to uphold the rights of all citizens while simultaneously encouraging an incremental approach to demands for autonomy amongst indigenous communities and other communities who settled in the valleys during the colonial period.
It continued after the partition of British India in , as well as the formation of Bangladesh in It has predictably led to a polarisation of opinion on the rights of the people of the region and those who have a right to call Assam their homeland. Assamese and tribal activists often allude to demographic changes as the continuing legacy of colonialism, where the colonial state and its postcolonial inheritor wilfully used settlers in order to politically subjugate and economically exploit the region This fact is reiterated through political mobilisation along communitarian and ethnic lines, involving the formation of armed groups for almost all communities in Assam.
The discourse on identity politics does not allow for certain communities to assert territorial rights in Assam. This is particularly true for numerically large populations such as descendants of indentured workers in the plantations and subsistence peasants of the floodplains in the Brahmaputra and Barak valleys. Their presence in the region is tied to commodities, crops and a labouring history that places them in the point of contact between Europeans and pre-colonial society.
This leads to a peculiar situation where radical political discourse on indigenous politics and rights over resources follows one that is similar to the cultural and political assertions of first nation communities in Canada, United States, Australia, and New Zealand. In the s and early s, sections of the left-leaning advocates of autonomy made efforts to assert alliances that overcame ethnic identities.
However, over time, as successive central and state governments began to negotiate with radical voices of dissent, ethnic territorial autonomy was foregrounded as a possible resolution. This allowed a section of people to remain outside the scope of political mobilisations and as outsiders in particular districts and regions.
The lack of an unequivocal answer has been one of the major sources of political mobilisation, forming an ideological underpinning for movements for autonomy and secession throughout the second half of the 20th century, until contemporary times Choudhury ; Saikia Rights of Marginalised People There is a second order of issues linked to social justice that is linked in turn to such politics in Assam.
They have to do with securing equal rights for marginalised people, regardless of their ethnic identity and based more on their social position within the political economy of the region. Their conditions were markedly different from the white-collared workers, merchants and traders who were Bengali- and Hindustani-speaking Hindus from the Gangetic plains. In the colonial province of Assam, religion was not the only factor that determined the decision people made to stay or move.
Language played an equally important role, especially for those who were going to become religious minorities within India. Click here for bottom P p p, P Momentum. Now you can download Assam voter list in PDF. List of constituencies since Following is the list of the constituencies of Assam Legislative Assembly, since the delimitation of the legislative assembly constituencies in List of constituencies sincewith number of electorates.
Polling Station Location. Watch new video user ID. In Nrc online website atia choli aseee Assam voter list Electroll number searchsearch Disclaimer thumbnail pic is anoterHow to Download Voter List of Assamdownload mp4, p and download mp3.
Voter List Of Assam Welcome to the official website of Chief Electoral Officer, Assam. Related Articles.
Arun Kumar Chanda L. NRC Assam voter list. Read more about Download Voter. It will be available in the following 4 websites:. Voter Helpline App. Historical Background The name Golaghat 'Gola' which means shop and 'Ghat' means the landing point of river ferry originated from the shops established by the 'Marwari' businessman during the mid part of 20th century AD at the bank of river Dhansiri near present Golaghat Town.
Early Period: General Notice on Kaziranga National Park. The District Administration is undertaking a lot of strict and fast measures for multidimensional development in all the fields and aims to provide citizen friendly services in an efficient, transparent and effective manner Efforts have been made to make the information as accurate as possible.
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