Documents Similar To Ricardo Piglia - Cabecita Negra. Skip carousel. carousel previouscarousel next. Germán Rozenmacher - Cabecita negra y otros cuentos. Joaquin Giannuzzi - echecs16.info Uploaded La urna () de Enrique Banch - Zonana, Victor echecs16.info Germán Rozenmacher - Cabecita Negra. y entre nosotros esa cabecita negra con el correr del tiempo nos hemos hecho . to migrant groups such as the Turkish gastarbeiten in Germany which echoes in important ways the situation . and German. Rozenmacher's “Cabecita Negra”.
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Cabecita negra (Biblioteca básica argentina ; 40) [Germán – Rozenmacher] on * FREE* shipping década del Uno de los cuentos incluídos. Cabecita Negra () by German Rozenmacher and a great selection of similar New, Used and Collectible Books available now at. Cabecita. This chapter will discuss Julio Cortazar's “Casa tomada” () and German Rozenmacher's “Cabecita negra” (), a text that can be read as a response to .
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The immigrants who became sharecroppers during the expansion of agriculture had limited capital at their disposal. They preferred to accept contracts to sharecrop sizable tracts of land for three years rather than to purchase smaller parcels of their own. As migrating speculators, they gambled everything on a few years of intense work, making minimum fixed investments, with the payoff of possible good harvests, only to repeat the gamble later with another sharecropping arrangement.
In this first stage, such highly flexible behavior allowed the landed classes to take advantage of external inducements and made possible a truly spectacular economic growth. During this same period, total exports also increased five times, and imports grew at a slightly slower rate. By that point, wool production had been pushed to the southern part of the province of Buenos Aires and replaced by livestock, native cattle mixed with blooded British stock such as Shorthorn and Hereford.
If the profits of their foreign partners were high in areas such as the railroads, packinghouses, shipping, trade, and finance, so too were the profits of the state, coming mainly from import taxes, and those of the landowning class, who, in view of the advantages they enjoyed with respect to other international exporters, chose to spend the bulk of their profits on consumption.
This fact explains the lavish expenditures in the cities, which one after the other went about beautifying themselves, imitating the great European metropolises, a process that had an important multiplier effect on the economy.
The state supplied the cities with modern services in public health and The wealth of the countryside spread to the cities, increasing employment and generating in turn new demands for commerce, services, and eventually industry, because the cities, combined with the towns of the agricultural zone, collectively constituted an attractive market. The industrial sector reached important proportions and employed many people.
Some large establishments, such as those in meatpacking, flour mills, and a few others, produced their goods for export or for the domestic market. Other important industries, such as textiles and food processing, supplied products elaborated with local primary materials.
An extensive network of workshops, generally the property of better-off immigrants, supplied the rest of the domestic market. This industrial economy grew in consonance with the agrarian one, expanding or contracting according to the rhythm of the latter and nourishing itself with foreign capital.
Through the foreign banks, local landowners or those who controlled foreign trade could also add industrial investments to the total of their business undertakings. Neither investments nor immigrants arrived there. On the other hand, the state undertook great investments, partly sustaining provincial government and education. What predominated above all was the relative backwardness of the interior and the ever-more-manifest differences between the agitated life in the great cities of the littoral and that of the sleepy provincial capitals.
There were some exceptions. In the northern part of Santa Fe province and southern Chaco province, a dynamic and exploitative British company had established a true enclave economy dedicated to the cutting and processing of the quebracho tree used for the extraction of tanin. Both prospered, notably by supplying the growing markets of the littoral, thanks to the market share provided by a state that protected the provinces The state itself permitted the initial take-off of these regional economies, building railroads and financing the investments of the first entrepreneurs of sugar mills and wineries.
In both cases, there were political considerations behind such support. More immediately, the relationships of important businesspeople in the nascent industries—Ernesto Tornquist in sugar and Tiburcio Benegas in wine—with the highest official circles weighed heavily.
The problems, however, were deeper and turned out to be chronic. The large international debt made service payments extremely onerous, payable only through additional loans or surplus from foreign trade, both of which were drastically reduced in moments of cyclical crisis, generating a more or less prolonged recession.
Mass immigration and economic progress profoundly affected Argentine society and, it could be said, transformed it. The majority of immigrants were Italians, primarily from northern but also from southern Italy, followed by those from Spain and, in far fewer numbers, from France.
But immigrants arrived from everywhere, even if in small contingents, to the point that Buenos Aires was thought of as a new Babel.
Few immigrants went to the interior, with the exception of places like Mendoza.
In the littoral, many went to the countryside, and the majority of those who did so established themselves precariously as sharecroppers. Perhaps because they were interested in quick success, willing to make great sacrifices and to risk their scarce capital on a precarious bet, they preferred to live in rudimentary and spartan shacks, without the minimum of conveniences, ready to abandon their homes when the contract expired.
As with all immigrants, they took a chance on rapid economic success, which some achieved and many did not. Ultimately, of those who succeeded, they or their children entered the emerging middle classes; those who did not probably went to the cities or returned to their countries of origin.
What is certain is that both contributed to the great profits of the large landowners and the exporting firms that benefited from the advantages of the system but did not participate in its risks.
At first, the majority of immigrants went to the cities, where the greatest demand for workers existed. The big cities, Buenos Aires above all, were replete with workers, most of them immigrants but also some Argentine born, or criollos.
Their occupations were as diverse as their working conditions. They were unskilled day laborers jornaleros who searched daily for a job, skilled artisans, street vendors, domestic servants, and even workers in the first factories. On the other hand, their experiences were similar in many ways.
They lived overcrowded in the tenements, or conventillos, in the city center, near the port where many worked, or in La Boca neighborhood. They suffered difficult daily tribulations: poor housing, high rents, sanitary problems, instability in their work, low wages, disease, and high infant mortality. All of these combined to create a tough existence from which few escaped.
It was a The foreigners were foreign to one another, as not even the Italians—a somewhat artificial category that encompassed people with diverse origins and separated by different dialects—could communicate easily among themselves. The integration of such diverse elements, the establishment of solidarity networks and forms of association, and the formation of collective identities in the world of work were slow processes.
Those who did not achieve it or who failed after some initial success—and did not return to their home country—remained among the mass of workers, continually replenished with new arrivals.
Among these people, solidarity practices were most broadly developed, encouraged by working-class activists. A primary education allowed people to break down the barriers of language that segregated their parents. A secondary education opened the doors to a government job or a teaching post, respectable and well-paid positions. Such an image is no doubt conventional, propagated by those who triumphed and ignoring those who failed.
Nevertheless, the venture of social mobility was real enough that it created a popular social myth with deep roots that would last for years, one that helped establish the broad urban and rural middle classes that characterized in its essence Argentine society.
In summary, a new society had been built, one that was still for years to come in the process of formation and in which foreigners and their children were present at all levels of society, high, middle, and low. This open and mobile society offered great opportunities, yet was also divided in two. On the one hand, there was the modernizing Argentina that stood apart from the traditional interior; on the other, the new society that for a considerable period was separate from both the traditional criollo classes and the upper classes, the latter somewhat traditional but to a great extent themselves new, yet seeking to assert their separateness from the new society.
Not all the aristocracy came from old money, and in their ranks there were many upstarts and nouveaux riches, not all of them truly wealthy. Yet all of them, faced with a mass of foreigners, displayed a desire to shut themselves off, to evoke patrician backgrounds, to concern themselves with surnames and lineage, and, for those who could, to flaunt a luxurious lifestyle and an ostentation that— though perhaps their European models would have considered them vulgar and in bad taste—were useful for marking off social distinctions.
That was the function served by the public places where people went to be seen such as the opera, the Palermo racetrack, and the fashionable shopping street, Calle Florida. The greatest example of this urge was the private club, exclusive and educational at the same time. At the apex of the political system, the selection of the political establishment came through agreements among the president, governors, and other political notables of recognized prestige.
At the lowest levels, competition was expressed by political bosses who mobilized their battle-hardened political machines capable, with the complicity of public authorities, of The system—stigmatized later by the political opposition—rested on the scant general will to participate in elections. Isolated from the great democratizing processes taking place in Europe and North America, the formation of a citizenry in Argentina was a slow and difficult process.
Such a situation troubled the most enlightened members of the ruling elite, concerned about establishing the consensual basis of the political regime.
Perhaps the most noteworthy and abiding characteristic of this regime was the absence of competition from alternative political parties and a political structure characterized by a one-party system whose head was the president of the republic. The Partido Nacional Autonomista PAN was in reality a federation of governors, the provincial heads of the political establishment.
Without state mechanisms for the transfer of power and with limited opportunities for a broad political debate, conflicts were negotiated in small circles between politicians and military officers, the press, and the congress. It then became clear that this political regime had no room for divergent and legitimate interests capable of offering differing points of view and establishing alternative alliances. The unicato, which had contributed to the consolidation of the state and the ending of long-standing conflicts, revealed its limitations for channeling proposals for change in a society that was taking shape and becoming more diverse and in which varied and contradictory interests were developing.
To shape and organize that society in accordance with deep convictions about progress, thereby fostering the consensus necessary for the great changes taking place—this was perhaps the principal concern of the ruling elite. The panorama was certainly disturbing. A mass of uprooted, atomized foreigners interested only in making money and returning to their homelands sparked the indignation of those who, like Sarmiento, had once seen immigration On the other hand, in undertaking to shape these masses, a number of important competitors appeared: the Catholic Church, though in Argentina its influence was much weaker than in the rest of Latin America; immigrant associations, especially those of the Italians; and finally the radical political organizations that were beginning to appear, above all those of the anarchists, offering the popular sectors a drastically different social project.
Against these, a still weak state fought and triumphed. Replacing both the Catholic Church and immigrant associations, both of which had advanced greatly in this area, the state assumed all responsibility for education. Even though the elite were by their very makeup cosmopolitan, critical of the criollo or Hispanic heritage, and open to the progressive influences of Europe, from an early date they were preoccupied with national concerns, as much to affirm national identity as to integrate the foreign masses into the nation.
With the same concerns in mind, they debated about art, music, or the national language. Some wrote entire books on the subject, which were published in Europe. Although there were no intellectual giants among them, a group of gentleman intellectuals effectively contributed to molding the ideas of their social class. They were familiar with all the latest trends in Europe, for each of which there was a local version: realism, impressionism, naturalism, and so on.
The attendance of the infanta Isabel, the aunt of the king of Spain, and of the former president of Chile, Manuel Montt, revealed that foreign enemies, old or new, were a thing of the past. Demonstrating the alluvial character of Argentine society, all the immigrant communities honored the country and its spectacular achievements with a monument whose foundation stone had been hurriedly laid that year. The official discourse of the ceremonies, empty, trite, and repetitive, barely managed to conceal the other face of this reality.
Employing the models of The crux of the questioning, however, concerned the cosmopolitan nature of Argentine society, inundated by immigrant masses and led by those who sought inspiration in Europe.
Yet beyond these extreme declarations, there was concern about the corruption of a national character that some saw embodied in criollo society before the immigration tide; others, more extreme, associated it in a polemical fashion with the rupture with Hispanic tradition.
Others looked for the solution to the problems in formulas of social engineering, including those experimented with by Chancellor Bismarck in Germany. The majority found a solution in a strident and polemical affirmation of nationality. The solution was to emphasize criollo tradition, to Argentinize the immigrant masses while disciplining them. Others, however, maintained an intransigent attitude, calling on the state to repress any sign of discontent and, dissatisfied with half-hearted support on this score, organizing themselves to take matters into their own hands.
Buenos Aires—which proudly exhibited its new subway system—became the premier city of Latin America. Relations with the international economy were becoming more complex, both because of the increasing participation of France and Germany in trade and investment and because of the ever more aggressive presence of the United States in the areas of public services, electrical utilities, and, above all, meatpacking.
Their domination of the technology of chilled beef allowed the North Americans to gain ground in foreign markets. After successive agreements over export quotas, the United States finally controlled three-fourths of the meat trade with Great Britain, though the British continued to dominate shipping and insurance. These were the first signs of a triangular relationship that deepened and became much more complex once local industry began to demand machinery, parts, and oil, supplied by the United States, or when the use of the automobile was popularized, requiring a more delicate and precise handling of economic policy than previously.
These problems were overshadowed by a much more critical situation brought about by the First World War, which disorganized financial and trade networks, led to foreign divestment, and produced a marked increase in the cost of living and difficulties in many industries, though the war benefited those activities, such as the export of Paulistano Mauricio Takara dives deeper into his ambient side with cascading loops and keyboard swells.
The stories inform each other and create a rich tapestry for the novel. If you like Forgetting is a Liability, you may also like:. Dust of Time herebrt Notify me of new comments via email. To find out more, including how to control cookies, see here: This collection of short stories goes even further in inviting reader engagement:.
The second narrates the events on the eve of the first act [the book herbett is the third and sole act — UOC]. The first chapter, naturally, is common to all.
This collection of short stories goes even further in inviting reader engagement: It is qauin the story that has stuck with me least throughout this collection, but I still find it fascinating to consider all the different divisions and fractal mazes that can lie buried in books, ready for the reader to engage with. However, formatting rules can vary widely between applications and fields of interest or study.
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